Crikey contributor Greg Barns has alleged that I have issued an authoritarian edict regarding the Victorian abortion bill. I have done no such thing. My still unmatched challenge to civil libertarians, including those who support abortion on demand, is to consider the questions of process and substance relating to the bill's application to a medical practitioner's right not to provide a pregnant woman with a referral to an abortionist.
First: process. If a member of the Victorian Parliament were to introduce a health professionals' bill which dealt with the circumstances in which medical treatment or referrals for same could be denied on conscientious grounds, the member would be required to provide a statement on the bill's compliance with the right to freedom of thought, conscience and belief set out in the Charter of Rights and Responsibilities.
If the measure were not compliant, the member would also be required to provide a statement as to how the measure could be justified in a free and democratic society. And Parliament would then be required formally to override the enjoyment of the right to the extent of the non-compliance.
The Victorian minister on this occasion has said there is no need to do that because the right in question relates to abortion. Any self-respecting civil libertarian ought to support such a process in any jurisdiction which boasts a bill of rights, even one as weak and manipulable as the Victorian one.
Second: substance. If a medical practitioner has a conscientious objection to abortion and refuses to provide one, then the practitioner must 'refer the woman to another registered health practitioner in the same regulated health profession who the practitioner knows does not have a conscientious objection to abortion'. What pray constitutes a conscientious objection to abortion?
Writing to The Age on 25 September 2008, Marilyn Beaumont, executive director, Women's Health Victoria, said that 'a doctor or nurse who has an ethical or religious objection to abortion must provide the name and contact details of a doctor who does not have the same conscientious objection. These doctors are in the majority and not hard to find' (emphasis added).
What of the health practitioner who would contemplate an abortion of a six week foetus but not a 23 week foetus? Does she have a conscientious objection to abortion? What of the health professional who would contemplate the abortion of a 20 week foetus but not of a 28 week foetus even if the child were known to have a severe disability? Does he have a conscientious objection to abortion?
What of the health professional who in some circumstances would abort a 23 week foetus but draws the line when the mother knows the child is healthy but she prefers one of the other gender? Does he have a conscientious objection to abortion? After all under this bill, the woman has a right to choose whatever she likes and for whatever reason up to 24 weeks.
Do the silent civil libertarians suggest that the clause applies only to those doctors who object to abortion in all circumstances, and from the moment of conception? And are those doctors obliged to refer the patient to another doctor known to have no conscientious objection to abortion in any circumstances, up to and including the child's coming to full term?
The clause is completely unworkable unless of course each medical practitioner is to be armed with a comprehensive listing of the views of all other practitioners as to what circumstances and when they would in good conscience contemplate performing an abortion. Presumably such a listing to pass muster would need to be drawn up, or at least approved, by some government regulatory authority. The moral calculus would be quite daunting, and the bureaucratic paperwork overwhelming.
Why aren't the self-respecting civil libertarians happy just to leave the matter to the due application of the AMA Code of Ethics? Why not just leave the law out of the murky area of referrals? Remember that the Victorian Health Services Commissioner remained opposed to the legal referral clause 'on the basis that it duplicated existing ethical standards'.
Why provide a legal obligation to refer to another health professional with a known propensity when this is not done for any other procedure, whether 'elective' or not. Without legal intervention, abortion providers could provide and advertise their own listing of abortionists with ratings of those doctors least and most willing to provide abortion, up to full term if need be.
Mr Barns addresses neither the issue of substance or process. He does raise another issue. He suggests that without this law women will be left to die in Catholic maternity hospitals in circumstances when the removal of the foetus or child would save the life of the mother.
Does he seriously suggest this is happening at the moment in Catholic hospitals throughout Australia? Does he seriously think women will remain at risk in Catholic hospitals in jurisdictions outside Victoria without this new law?
Any Catholic doctor acting in good conscience to save the life of a woman and acting professionally with the requisite specialist skills and certification would remove a foetus or child in utero if the failure to remove the foetus or child would necessarily result in the woman's death. The Victorian bill changes nothing in that regard.
My repeated challenge to all civil libertarians is an invitation to reasoned dialogue about rights and the limits on those rights for the common good and in the public interest. It is all too commonplace for those with an ideological interest in the outcome of such a discussion to label the invitation as an authoritarian edict.
Unless we engage in reasoned discussion about the process and substance of the offending clause 8 of the bill, the outcome will be a law shoddily drawn, overbroad in application, and unworkable — bearing all the hallmarks of unreasoned lawmaking, much like the recent World Youth Day 'annoyance' law struck down by the Federal Court.
It will be the silent civil libertarians who will be complicit in the Victorian Charter failing its first real test. The Charter will be seen to be not only weak and manipulable. It will be stillborn.
Frank Brennan published Too Much Order with Too Little Law his first book on civil liberties 25 years ago