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Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao's meeting with China's President Xi Jinping signals deeper cooperation between Timor-Leste and China. This evolving alliance, closely watched by Australia, raises questions about Beijing's motives and Timor-Leste's historical indebtedness. As China expands its influence in the Indo-Pacific, Timor-Leste's diplomatic balancing act comes under scrutiny.
On Tuesday the governments of Timor Leste and Australia will sign a maritime boundary treaty in New York in the presence of Antonio Guterres, the Secretary General of the United Nations. This day has been a long time coming. It will be a day of great celebration for the Timorese. They've taken a big gamble and it seems to have paid off.
It is very good news that the two governments have reached agreement on 'a pathway to the development of the resource, and the sharing of the resulting revenue'. Given the stand-off in the South China Sea, Timor's agent Agio Pereira is right to express pride and satisfaction that 'with our joint success at resolving our dispute through this conciliation process, Timor-Leste and Australia hope to have set a positive example for the international community at large'.
Rui Maria de Araujo, the prime minister of Timor-Leste, wrote to Malcolm Turnbull inviting him to turn a new leaf in the Australia-Timor relationship. It was not to be. But the Timorese are well used to winning the hearts and minds of Australians even when our political leaders appear to be tone deaf to their pleas. This time they have convinced the Labor Party about the justice of their cause, and there is every chance that the Australian community will rally behind them after the federal election.
Australian governments of both political persuasions have reassured the Australian public that they are decent and special when it comes to dealing with the Timorese over disagreements in the Timor Sea. Time for such special pleading is over. For the good of ongoing relations between these two unequal neighbours, it is time for Australia to commit to negotiating final maritime boundaries.
East Timor is living far too dangerously by dumping its incumbent president Jose Ramos-Horta in last weekend's election. It remains to be seen whether Ramos-Horta will continue in public life or retire, but there's no doubt the nation would do well to use his vast experience as an elder statesman.
There's good reason for East Timor to opt for a tribunal to deliver justice for past crimes. But Australia cannot expect to receive a special hearing. Our attempts to push for justice for the sake of stability would be perceived as a promotion of our own self-interest.
The first feature length film about Indonesia's invasion of East Timor and the deaths of six Australian journalists fails to inform the audience of the diplomatic dirty tricks, and Australian and American complicity.
Life in Dili has improved greatly over the past 18 months. The government has directed large amounts of money into the economy, much of it into the hands of the poor. By contrast, Australia's substantial contribution often appears passive and reactive.
Australia could learn much from East Timor about the importance — and limitations — of acknowledging a painful past. East Timor's experience suggests the significance of both symbolic acknowledgement and material reparations.
Post-traumatic stress syndrome affects one third of the population of East Timor. Some survive as empathetic, generous and forgiving people. Others, such as late rebel leader Alfredo Reinado, do not.
The outbreak of violence in East Timor April 2006 showed that the UN had not reached first base in its efforts to lay the foundation for a small but robust nation. Now the Rudd Government has provided a template that may be of significant use to those involved with nation building in East Timor.