Synodality, we are told, supports authentic listening, opens exchange and builds co-responsibility in decision-making between providers and participants in Catholic services. All the documents that underpin the provision of Catholic schooling cite the value of genuinely collaborative outcomes (for example, ‘The Catholic school’).
In Australia this has been achieved at the expense of the Catholic principle of educating the poor by offering a choice-driven, fee-free school system. A major problem for the Australian body politic has been the development of a binary school system that separates the wealthy from the poor. Paradoxically, our state-aided Australian education system boasts the largest non-government school sector in the world: one which is responsible for embarrassingly class-differentiated results and unequal opportunities for many Australians.
This school system has obscured the fact that in a post-statist world, the major agency through which citizens are inducted into membership of society — through compulsory attendance at school — is now increasingly hived-off to a state-aided private sector, with diminishing resourcing of state schools. This accounts for Australia’s very long ‘tail’ in global school rankings, in which selective state and private schools top every table, and rural and remote schools cluster at the tail end (PISA, 2022). Critical in explaining this trajectory has been the co-option of the state as the major driver of public-service deregulation, school-marketisation and privatisation.
We might ask ourselves: Is there scope for Catholic involvement within the wider education policy discourse? To what extent might we publicly engage with the range of educational solutions beyond those that attract the attention of standard-bearers forced into taking sides in such an ideologically-contested policy site? How might Catholics and others of good will promote an authentically open and well-informed conversation on questions of educational justice? And how might such impulses support politically and ethically literate engagement in decision-making about school funding policy beyond toeing a positional-advantage line?
To what extent do we guard against too close a proximity to the ideological interests of those who have the ear of the neoliberal state, whether Liberal or, increasingly, Labor? How do we test for a clear commitment to Catholic Social Teaching and the seminal role it plays in enunciating the guiding principles of Catholic education, particularly in regard to it being offered, ‘first and foremost … to the poor’?
In other polities, Catholic educational administrators are exposed to a wide range of complex formative experiences that enable them to understand, discern and approach this policy minefield, critically-informed by the research of reputable scholars. At several Jesuit universities in North America and Europe, the public character of the Catholic school is at the forefront of leadership action and reflection.
'Our state-aided Australian education system boasts the largest non-government school sector in the world: one which is responsible for embarrassingly class-differentiated results and unequal opportunities for many Australians.'
In Britain, Europe, Canada and New Zealand, Catholic schools are 'integrated' into deregulated public systems. This locates them at the centre of policy discernment within a more ethically and politically egalitarian place from which to focus and exercise their responsibilities.
In recent years, several suggestions — attracting no discussion in Catholic educational circles other than blanket opposition — have been made to make Catholic schools more affordable and accessible. One was from George Berkeley, a former Director General of Education Queensland, in his review of the funding of ACT schools.
The Berkeley Review recommended the ‘integration’ (in the style of New Zealand) of Catholic school provision, but it was defeated by an alliance of private school interests that maintains a stranglehold over school-funding decision-making in Catholic education. Former Queensland Premier Anna Bligh showed there were no constitutional obstacles to single-source disbursements of school-funding to bring transparency to the divisive state-aid debate, but her address was manifestly ignored.
A major story recently addressed in the national media was about educational reform measures enacted by Catholic Education Canberra Goulburn, where their entire teaching workforce has been ‘retrained’ to teach by Direct Instruction, with a view to improving student outcomes.
Improving student outcomes is a commendable objective, and it feeds into Minister for Education Jason Clare’s intention to revamp every Australian teaching degree to ensure coherence between teacher training and job-readiness. Such a story would have passed muster had it not been for the ideological terms in which it was reported. And while a stemming of the high attrition rates of teachers within their first five years of educational service is laudable, there may be other reasons for this attrition.
The above article was soon followed by another championing a 'reading revolution,' and seemingly pursuing an agenda that distracts from more complex explanations for Australia’s poor reading results in comparative global school achievement tables.
This coverage firstly highlights the ABC’s biased understanding of what is happening in the early literacy area. Many factors contribute to some children’s poor reading results with inequality, lack of a home culture of reading and access to and ownership of books, etc. being major causes for the one in five who are living in poverty. Indeed to the experienced educator, the focus on phonics first and in isolation of a variety of factors linked with financial poverty and cultural deprivation is not new but this current iteration of a hackneyed debate is very damaging and has become so invasive as to impose a silencing effect on many teachers. I have written about these issues on a number of occasions over the years in several internationally-refereed journals.
The key factor that should attract the eye of the experienced educator is to scrutinise both articles for critical evidence of commonalties, such as who is driving the critique. In a highly contested research site, what ideological forces frame their politics? What evidence is there of key aspects of critical moral and political literacy guiding teacher decision-makers? What policy-formative experiences on offer from Catholic and other universities, might they have? What engagement with Catholic Social Teaching?
As the above ABC news items suggest, a senior Catholic educator is now at the forefront of championing educational methods that are the legacy of years of marketisation, privatisation and neoliberal influence in educational provision without much evidence as to their widespread beneficial impact on educational performance in a socially and morally just society. Retraining teachers to teach by Direct Instruction privileges a method that is ideal for teaching technical aspects of the curriculum and which dismisses learner-centred pedagogy.
I know of no Catholic or other philosophy that proposes an exclusive recourse to such a didactic and teacher-centred approach. Indeed, such a policy risks jeopardising a fundamental Catholic precept about the professional autonomy of the teacher in the classroom as well as a preferential option for the poor. And yet it has for several years offered the sole foundation on which Australian school reform has proceeded with the aim of achieving improvement in Australia’s global educational standing.
Meanwhile, more and more parents, following the logic of neoliberalism’s selfish impulse, withdraw their children from state schools and enrol them in the private sector. Any Catholic engagement with the public sector (which strenuously criticises the unfair advantage conferred on the private sector by its ability to attract both public and private funding) manifestly exerts a silencing effect on Catholic discussion.
One can but hope that our Synodal investment in the intervention of the Holy Spirit will raise our hearts and minds to a more inspired and altruistic understanding of what constitutes an authentic Catholic mission to educate all — and especially the poorest — Australians.
Michael Furtado studied Catholic Social Teaching at Oxford. As Education Officer (Social Justice, Brisbane Catholic Education) his focus was on the role of human rights in Catholic education. Michael’s doctorate in school-funding is from The University of Queensland.
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