The advocates for marriage equality and their allies in the ACT Legislative Assembly have scored one of the great own goals with the High Court of Australia ruling unanimously that 'the whole of the Marriage Equality (Same Sex) Act 2013 (ACT) is inconsistent with the Marriage Act 1961 (Cth)' and that 'the whole of the Marriage Equality (Same Sex) Act 2013 (ACT) is of no effect'.
The advocates for same sex marriage did themselves no favour in terms of public credibility by putting their support behind a dog's breakfast of ACT legislation which even if valid and effective would not have provided marriage equality. The High Court noted that the ACT Act provided 'for the automatic dissolution of the marriage if a party marries another under a law of the Commonwealth, or under a law of another jurisdiction that substantially corresponds to the ACT Act'.
How could advocates for 'marriage equality' credibly support a 'marriage' terminable without court order, without agreement, without prior notice to the other party — an arrangement able to be dissolved at the whim of one of the parties walking out the door having found another marriage partner, whether straight or gay?
Whatever such an arrangement might be, it is not a marriage. These advocates and the merry band of ACT legislators were happy to legislate for marriage inequality as a stop on the route to Commonwealth marriage equality. This was a stupid political strategy given the unlikelihood that Prime Minister Tony Abbott would be swayed or moved more quickly to action by the referral of such a legal hodge-podge to the High Court. This was not a stop on the route; it was a detour down what could be a cul-de-sac. And it was never a close run thing.
The litigation has served one useful purpose. Until now, there was some academic legal doubt whether the Commonwealth Parliament's constitutional power to make laws with respect to marriage would be broad enough to include laws with respect to same sex marriage. In this case, the seventh judge Justice Gageler could not sit because he had previously given legal advice on the matter at hand. The High Court has put this matter beyond doubt with all six sitting judges affirming that 'marriage' for the purposes of defining the constitutional power of the Commonwealth Parliament could not be confined to marriage in the traditional Christian sense.
The Court has said that for constitutional purposes:
'marriage' is to be understood ... as referring to a consensual union formed between natural persons in accordance with legally prescribed requirements which is not only a union the law recognises as intended to endure and be terminable only in accordance with law but also a union to which the law accords a status affecting and defining mutual rights and obligations.
Under the Australian Constitution, 'marriage' is a term which includes a marriage between persons of the same sex.
So the court has put beyond doubt two issues. First, neither the states nor the territories now have power to go it alone on same sex marriage. New South Wales and Tasmania can put their legislative plans to rest. NSW Premier Barry O'Farrell was right when he said that only the national Parliament could deliver marriage equality and that he did not want 'to see a return to the patchwork quilt of marriage laws that existed in the 1950s'.
Second, the Commonwealth Parliament does have power to legislate for same sex marriage. There is no need for a constitutional referendum. From here, the law is simple.
The politics and political morality of change are still not so simple. There is only one way forward. This is a matter for the Commonwealth Parliament. Just as all sides allowed a conscience vote on the original 1961 Marriage Act, so too all sides should allow a conscience vote on any amendment of the Marriage Act which would permit same sex couples to marry on the same terms as opposite sex couples.
Our elected politicians voting according to conscience are best suited to determine if and when the Australian community is ready to embrace an extension of marriage as a social institution to include same sex couples.
Unlike me, neither side of this debate favours civil unions as a distinct status for same sex couples conferring all the attributes of marriage, while maintaining a commitment to the best interests of children available for adoption, and restricting state authorisation of assisted reproduction so that every child has a biological father and a biological mother. In these circumstances, I accept that ultimately our Parliament will legislate for same sex marriage. I will not lose any sleep when it comes, and I will be happy for those couples who will be helped by such social endorsement to live in a faithful, loving relationship.
But in light of this own goal, I can't see it coming in this parliamentary term. The advocates for marriage equality who were prepared to go via the route of ACT marriage inequality have not done their cause any good.
Fr Frank Brennan SJ is professor of law at Australian Catholic University, and adjunct professor at the College of Law and the National Centre for Indigenous Studies, Australian National University.
Frank's previous articles on same sex marriage are:
It's time to recognise secular same sex marriage
ACT makes a dog's breakfast of marriage equality
Rainbow knot image from Shutterstock